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Kouros's avatar

Adam, your dysphoria is real and the Mann comparison is apt. But I want to push on the gap between what you're feeling and what you're naming because I think the gap is doing political work that benefits the forces producing the dysphoria.

You describe the Berlin panelists playing "familiar tunes" i.e. municipal socialism, EU regulation, price stabilization, etc. in a world too ruptured for historical analogy. You feel the rupture viscerally. And then you reach for Mann rather than a mechanism. That's the tell. Mann gives you the phenomenology of rupture without obligating you to name what's producing it.

Let me try to name it.

What you're experiencing as a discordant timbre is unbounded pleonexia in its late phase; not ordinary greed, but the structural disposition that, when unchecked by adequate institutional containment, accumulates until the accumulated power can purchase the institutions designed to check it. The Berlin panel's "good, sensible people" are proposing changes within a framework whose operating assumptions the accumulated power has already captured. They are playing jazz in a room where the sound system belongs to someone else. The proposals are fine. The room is wrong. And the reason they can't hear the room is that their credentialing and discourse systems have been shaped, over decades, by the same force they nominally oppose. They propose what is proposable. The grammar of rupture isn't available to them without losing the institutional standing that makes them "good, sensible people" who get onto panels in Berlin.

The Ferguson horse question is where the sleight of hand is most visible. He asks whether we are the horses — and it's a legitimate question as far as it goes. But horses didn't own the steam engines that displaced them. Workers, through enormous social struggle, eventually won a share of the productivity gains from mechanization: unions, collective bargaining, the welfare state, the 40-hour week. The AI question isn't "are we the horses?" It's: who owns the horses' replacements, and what coercive or constitutional capacity do we retain to recover a share of the value they generate? The AI companies drew on publicly funded computer science, publicly subsidized internet infrastructure, and the entire accumulated corpus of human writing and art — every book, every essay, every act of civic and cultural life that the commons of meaning produced. That is appropriation of res communes omnium for private accumulation. In Roman law, which took these things seriously, there's a name for consuming the substance of the commons without compensation or restoration: abusus. Ferguson naturalizes the outcome as though ownership structure were a weather pattern. It isn't. It's a political choice, and it's reversible.

The AI-enshitification dimension you gesture at connects here directly. AI paired with knowledgeable human input — editorial, curatorial, epistemic — is a genuine tool. AI driven purely by the profit impetus, without that check, is a mechanism for producing fluent confabulation optimized for engagement rather than truth. The profit function and the quality function diverge as platforms mature. Enshitification is not a bug; it is the predictable output of a system with a single terminal objective operating in an environment of weakened competitive constraint. The commons of meaning, the accumulated substrate of human cultural and intellectual inheritance, cannot survive being processed at scale by systems optimizing for retention metrics. It gets flattened into the average of its training distribution, dressed in confident prose, and delivered as authoritative. The knowledgeable human is the only thing that can identify when the system is confabulating, and the profit impetus systematically removes the knowledgeable human because they are expensive and they slow things down and they sometimes say no.

Your Columbia students' anxiety is real. But I'd push back gently on framing it as merely epistemological: uncertainty about AI's economic impact. The deeper condition is that these students have been formed in a period of advanced atomization. The parallel enclosure that ran alongside the enclosure of material commons, the enclosure of meaning itself, the progressive commodification and fragmentation of shared story, has left them without a tradition of resistance to place the rupture inside. A population that shares no story is easier to manage as isolated consumers than as citizens with collective agency. The rupture you're feeling from the stage in Berlin is precisely the rupture between what the historical tradition of reform assumed (a citizenry with collective story, collective institutions, collective memory) and what the decades of atomization have actually produced. Municipal socialism requires municipalities. EU regulation requires a demos that believes in the EU. Both assume a substrate that the pleonexic logic has been methodically dissolving.

What's missing from your Berlin panel, and I say this with real respect for the tradition you're working in, is a physical baseline. Not better historical analogy from a slightly longer window, but thermodynamic constraint as a constitutional fact: the economy is a subsystem of the biosphere, not an autonomous domain. The accumulation model consumes the substrate it depends on. This is not a moral claim. It is a thermodynamic one, and physics enforces its arguments on timescales longer than any oligarchy. The 1945–1990 window from which the familiar tunes are drawn is exceptionally short, and it excluded these constraints by design, because the growth model required their exclusion. Historical precedent drawn from inside that window will systematically mistake the exception for the baseline.

The Mann consolation you found is pointing in the right direction: the pre-war world became legendary. The post-oligarchic world needs, right now, to become plausible and be named in enough detail and with enough internal coherence that it can be recognized as possible when the moment arrives. That is the work. Not because the fire is dousable this afternoon, but because the next generation needs to know what a building that doesn't burn looks like, so they can argue for it when the ash clears.

For anyone who wants to see what that naming actually looks like in practice — the mechanism identified, the physical baseline established, and solutions proposed that are grounded rather than gestural — I'd point to a Substack called The Freeze-Frame Revolution (squirrelbrain77.substack.com). It does something rare: it names pleonexia as the structural threat outright, grounds the argument in Roman jurisprudence, thermodynamics, and evolutionary biology simultaneously, and proposes a constitutional architecture to match the diagnosis rather than offering policy tweaks inside a captured framework. It is not comfortable reading. It is honest reading. Which, given the times, is what the occasion requires.

Jack B's avatar

What does it take for a human to survive? Food, shelter, a community where he/she can find status? What else? For most of the "civilized" era lower classes the later was achieved by work and skills. Butcher, baker , barista, goat wrangler, ect. But as machines take over the search for status get harder and more frustrating. What has been coming for working class jobs for 200 years is now coming for high status jobs. As a retired carpenter I have to ask. Why is it suddenly a crises?

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